Texas broke its 1992 record by over five percentage points, despite continuing to restrict access to mail-in ballots. The most recent change to federal eligibility requirements was in 1971, when the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18.
Millions of African Americans had the federal right to vote throughout the 20th century but Jim Crow laws, intimidation and even violence meant, in practice, they couldn’t. Elections Project of citizens age 18 and over who are eligible to register and vote, and of ballots cast.
The 2020 vote totals are certified results from Dave Lap’s U.S. Election Atlas. He covers national politics and public policy using data and visuals. Kate Rabinovitz is a graphics reporter at The Washington Post.
Most modern presidential elections in the United States have a voter turnout rate of between 50 and 60 percent. The lowest voter turnout rate for a presidential race was in 1792, when electors from 15 states voted unanimously to re-elect George Washington for a second term.
That year, a paltry 6.3 percent of that narrow field of eligible voters, or roughly 28,000 people, voted. The first time presidential voter turnout surpassed 50 percent was in 1828, when Andrew Jackson beat incumbent John Quincy Adams.
After Hayes ended Reconstruction in 1877, southern states immediately began passing laws preventing Black men from voting and constructing a system of segregation that would become known as Jim Crow. In 1900, the year that Republican William McKinley won reelection, the voter turnout was 73.7 percent.
In addition, the 19th Amendment didn’t address the fact that Asian and Native Americans couldn’t vote. By the 1960s, Black, Asian and Native Americans won a series of federal and state battles securing their right to vote.
Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations. The historical trends in voter turnout in the United States presidential elections have been determined by the gradual expansion of voting rights from the initial restriction to white male property owners aged 21 or older in the early years of the country's independence, to all citizens aged 18 or older in the mid-20th century.
Older states with property restrictions dropped them, namely all but Rhode Island, Virginia and North Carolina by the mid-1820s. The process was peaceful and widely supported, except in Rhode Island.
In Rhode Island, the Door Rebellion of the 1840s demonstrated that the demand for equal suffrage was broad and strong, although the subsequent reform included a significant property requirement for any resident born outside the United States. However, free black men lost voting rights in several states during this period.
He had to be pulled to the polls, which became the most important role of the local parties. These parties systematically sought out potential voters and brought them to the polls.
The passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1870 gave African American men the right to vote. While this historic expansion of rights resulted in significant increases in the eligible voting population and may have contributed to the increases in the proportion of votes cast for president as a percentage of the total population during the 1870s, there does not seem to have been a significant long-term increase in the percentage of eligible voters who turn out for the poll.
The disenfranchisement of most African Americans and many poor whites in the South during the years 1890–1910 likely contributed to the decline in overall voter turnout percentages during those years visible in the chart at the top of the article. There was no systematic collection of voter turnout data by gender at a national level before 1964, but smaller local studies indicate a low turnout among female voters in the years following Women's suffrage in the United States.
For example, a 1924 study of voter turnout in Chicago found that “female Chicagoans were far less likely to have visited the polls on Election Day than were men in both the 1920 presidential election (46% vs. 75%) and the 1923 mayoral contest (35% vs. The study compared reasons given by male and female non-voters and found that female non-voters were more likely to cite general indifference to politics and ignorance or timidity regarding elections than male non-voters, and that female voter were less likely to cite fear of loss of business or wages.
The graph of voter turnout percentages shows a dramatic decline in turnout over the first two decades of the twentieth century, ending in 1920 when the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution granted women the right to vote across the United States. But in the preceding decades, several states had passed laws supporting women's suffrage.
Women were granted the right to vote in Wyoming in 1869, before the territory had become a full state in the union. In 1889, when the Wyoming constitution was drafted in preparation for statehood, it included women's suffrage.
Thus, Wyoming was also the first full state to grant women the right to vote. In 1893, Colorado was the first state to amend an existing constitution in order to grant women the right to vote, and several other states followed, including Utah and Idaho in 1896, Washington State in 1910, California in 1911, Oregon, Kansas, and Arizona in 1912, Alaska and Illinois in 1913, Montana and Nevada in 1914, New York in 1917; Michigan, South Dakota, and Oklahoma in 1918.
Each of these suffrage laws expanded the body of eligible voters, and because women were less likely to vote than men, each of these expansions created a decline in voter turnout rates, culminating with the extremely low turnouts in the 1920 and 1924 elections after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Voter turnout by sex and age for the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election. Age, income, and educational attainment are significant factors affecting voter turnout.
Educational attainment is perhaps the best predictor of voter turnout, and in the 2008 election, those holding advanced degrees were three times more likely to vote than those with less than high school education. The age difference is associated with youth voter turnout.
Some argue that “age is an important factor in understanding voting blocs and differences” on various issues. As strong political opinions may be considered one of the reasons behind voting, political apathy among young people are arguably a predictor for low voter turnout.
One study found that potential young voters are more willing to commit to voting when they see pictures of younger candidates running for elections/office or voting for other candidates, surmising that young Americans are “voting at higher and similar rates to other Americans when there is a candidate under the age of 35 years running”. As such, since most candidates running for office are pervasively over the age of 35 years, youth may not be actively voting in these elections because of a lack of representation or visibility in the political process.
Considering that one of the critical tenets of liberal democracy is voting, the idea that millennials are denouncing the value of democracy is arguably an indicator of the loss of faith in the importance of voting. Thus, it can be surmised that those of younger ages may not be inclined to vote during elections.
A study by Burman investigated the relationship between formal education levels and voter turnout. This study demonstrated the effect of rising enrollment in college education circa 1980s, which resulted in an increase in voter turnout.
However, “this was not true for political knowledge”; a rise in education levels did not have any impact in identifying those with political knowledge (a signifier of civic engagement) until the 1980s election, when college education became a distinguishing factor in identifying civic participation. This article poses a multifaceted perspective on the effect of education levels on voter turnout.
Though youth in larger (read: urban) cities tend to be more educated than those in rural areas (Marcus & Runic, 2017), perhaps there is an external variable (i.e. election infrastructure) at play. Smith and Colbert's (2005) research reiterates that the presence of ballot initiatives and portals within a state have a positive effect on voter turnout.
It may be surmised that an increase of state investment in electoral infrastructure facilitates and education policy and programs results in increase voter turnout among youth. Harder and Ironic (2008) contend that some reasons for this may be due to “differences in motivation or ability (sometimes both)” (Harder and Ironic, 2008), or that less wealthy people have less energy, time, or resources to allot towards voting.
Another potential reason may be that wealthier people believe that they have more at stake if they don't vote than those with less resources or income. Maslow's hierarchy of needs might also help explain this hypothesis from a psychological perspective.
“In every presidential election since 1980, the proportion of eligible female adults who voted has exceeded the proportion of eligible male adults who voted . The number of female voters has exceeded the number of male voters in every presidential election since 1964...” This gender gap has been a determining factor in several recent presidential elections, as women have been consistently about 15% more likely to support the candidate of the Democratic Party than the Republican candidate in each election since 1996.
Another factor influencing statistics on voter turnout is the percentage of the country's voting-age population who are ineligible to vote due to non-citizen status or prior felony convictions. In a 2001 article in the American Political Science Review, Michael P. McDonald and Samuel Poplin argued, that at least in the United States, voter turnout since 1972 has not actually declined when calculated for those eligible to vote, what they term the voting-eligible population.
In 1972, noncitizens and ineligible felons (depending on state law) constituted about 2% of the voting-age population. The United States Elections Project, by Michael McDonald calculates VIP including citizenship and adjustments for felons.
The site's data on turnout as percentage of eligible voters (VIP), is slightly higher and similar to BPC: 2000 55.3%, 2004 60.7%, 2008 62.2%, 2012 58.6%. Later analysis by the University of California, Santa Barbara's American Presidency Project found that there were 235,248,000 people of voting age in the United States in the 2012 election, resulting in 2012 voting age population (VAP) turnout of 54.9%.
^ Vassar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2009) ch 2 ^ German, pp. 8–9 ^ Murrain, John M.; Johnson, Paul E.; McPherson, James M.; Fans, Alice; Gentle, Gary (2012).
Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People (6th ed.). In Paul Keeper, et al. Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1983) pp.
Table 1 ^ William Preston Vaughn, The Anti-Masonic Party in the United States: 1826–1843 (2009) ^ Allen, Jodie T. (March 18, 2009). “Reluctant Suffragettes: When Women Questioned Their Right to Vote”.
“Age, ambition, and the local charter: a study in voting behavior”. Rutgers University Center for American Women and Politics.
“Opinion | Why the 2016 election may produce the largest gender gap in history”. ^ Study: Non-Voting Felons Increasing, ABC News, January 6, 2006.
McDonald, Michael, United States Elections Project, http://www.electproject.org/home Mensa, C. (2008). UNL Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, And Capstones.